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      SIM CITY- HISTORY OF CITIES AND CITY PLANNING by Cliff Ellis

Typed by ???  Edited by PARASITE.


INTRODUCTION
The building of cities has a long and complex history. Although city
planning
as an organized profession has existed for less than a century, all
cities
display various degrees of foresight and conscious design in their layout
and functioning.

Early humans led a nomadic existence, relying on hunting and gathering
for
sustenance. Between 8,000 and 10,000 years ago, systematic cultivation of
plants and the domestication of animals allowed for more permanent
settlements. During the fourth millenium B.C., the requirements for the
"urban revolution" were finally met: the production of a surplus of
storable food, a system of writing, a more complex social organization,
and
technological advances such as the plough, potter's wheel, loom, and
metallurgy.

Cities exist for many reasons, and the diversity of urban forms can be
traced to the complex functions that cities perform. Cities serve as
centers of storage, trade, and manufacture. The agricultural surplus from
the surrounding countryside is processed and distributed in cities.
Cities
also grew up around marketplaces, where goods from distant places could
be
exchanged for local products. Throughout history, cities have been
founded
at the intersections of transportation routes, or at points where goods
must shift from one mode of transportation to another, as at river and
ocean ports.

Religious elements have been crucial throughout urban history. Ancient
peoples had sacred places, often associated with cemeteries or shrines,
around which cities grew. Ancient cities usually had large temple
precincts
with monumental religious buildings. Many medieval cities were built near
monasteries or cathedrals.

Cities often provided protection in a precarious world. During attacks,
the
rural populace could flee behind city walls, where defense forces
assembled
to repel the enemy. The wall served this purpose for millennia, until the
invention of heavy artillery rendered walls useless in warfare. With the
advent of modern aerial warfare, cities have become prime targets for
destruction rather than safe havens.

Cities serve as centers of government. In particular, the emergence of
the
great nation-states of Europe between 1400 and 1800 led to the creation
of
new capital cities or the investing of existing cities with expanded
governmental functions.

Washington, D.C., for example, displays the monumental buildings, radial
street pattern, and large public spaces typical of capital cities.

Cities, with their concentration of talent, mixture of peoples, and
economic surplus, have provided a fertile ground for the evolution of
human
culture: the arts, scientific research, and technical innovation. They
serve as centers of communication, where new ideas and information are
spread to the surrounding territory and to foreign lands.

CONSTRAINTS ON CITY FORM
Cities are physical artifacts inserted into a preexisting natural world,
and natural constraints must be respected if a settlement is to survive
and
prosper. Cities must conform to the landscape in which they are located,
although technologies have gradually been developed to reorganize the
land
to suit human purposes. Moderately sloping land provides the best urban
site, but spectacular effects have been achieved on such hilly sites as
San
Francisco, Rio de Janiero, and Athens.

Climate influences city form. For example, streets have been aligned to
take advantage of cooling breezes, and arcades designed to shield
pedestrians from sun and rain. The architecture of individual buildings
often respects adaptations to temperature, rainfall, snow, wind and other
climactic characteristics.

Cities must have a healthy water supply, and locations along rivers or
streams, or near underground watercourses, have always been favored. Many
large modern cities have outgrown their local water supplies and rely
upon
distant water sources diverted by elaborate systems of pipes and canals.

City location and internal structure have been profoundly influenced by
natural transportation routes. Cities have often been sited near natural
harbors, on nagivable rivers, or along land routes determined by regional
topography.

Finally, cities have had to survive periodic natural disasters such as
earthquakes, hurricanes, tornados, and floods. The San Francisco
earthquake
of 1906 demonstrated how natural forces can undo decades of human labor
in
a very short time.

ELEMENTS OF URBAN STRUCTURE
City planners must weave a complex, ever-changing array of elements into
a
working whole: that is the perennial challenge of city planning. The
physical elements of the city can be divided into three categories:
networks, buildings, and open spaces. Many alternative arrangements of
these components have been tried throughout history, but no ideal city
form
has even been agreed upon. Lively debates about the best way to arrange
urban anatomies continue to rage, and to show no signs of abating.

NETWORKS
Every modern city contains an amazing array of pathways to carry flows or
people, goods, water, energy, and information. Transportation networks
are
the largest and most visible of these. Ancient cities relied on streets,
most of them quite narrow by modern standards, to carry foot traffic and
carts. The modern city contains a complex hierarchy of transportation
channels, ranging from ten-lane freeways to sidewalks. In the United
States, the bulk of trips are carried by the private automobilem with
mass
transit a distant second. American cities display the low-density sprawl
characteristic of auto-centered urban development. In contrast, many
European cities have the high densities necessary to support rail transit
systems.

Modern cities rely on complex networks of utilities. When cities were
small, obtaining pure water and disposing of wastes was not a major
problem, but cities with large populations and high densities require
expensive public infrastructure. During the nineteenth century, rapid
urban
growth and industrialization caused overcrowding, pollution, and disease
in
urban areas. After the connection between impure water and disease was
established, American and European cities began to install adequate sewer
and water systems. Since the late nineteenth century, cities have also
been
laced with wires and conduits carrying electricity, gas, and
communications
signals.

BUILDINGS
Buildings are the most visible elements of the city, the features that
give
each city its unique character. Residential structures occupy almost half
od all urban land, with the building types ranging from scattered
single-family homes to dense high-rise apartments. Commercial buildings
are
clustered downtown and at various subcenters, with skyscrapers packed
into
the central business district and low-rise structures prevailing
elsewhere,
although tall buildings are becoming more common in the suburbs.
Industrial
buildings come in many forms ranging from large factory complexes in
industrial districts to small workshops.

City planners engage in a constant search for the proper arrangement of
these different types of land use, paying particular attention to the
compatibility of different activities, population densities, traffic
generation, economic efficiency, social relationships, and the height and
bulk of buildings.

OPEN SPACES
Open space is sometimes treated as a leftover, but it contributes greatly
to the quality of urban life. "Hard" spaces such as plazas, malls, and
courtyards provide settings for public activities of all kinds. "Soft"
spaces such as parks, gardens, lawns, and nature preserves provide
essential relief from harsh urban conditions and serve as space for
recreational activities. These "amenities" increasingly influence which
cities will be preceived as desirable places to live.

EVOLUTION OF URBAN FORM
The first true urban settlements appeared around 3,000 B.C. in ancient
Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley. Ancient cities displayed both
"organic" and "planned" types of urban form. These societies had
elaborate
religious, political, and military hierarchies. Precincts devoted to the
activities of the elite were often highly planned and regular in form. In
contrast, residential areas often grew by a slow process of accretion,
producing the complex, irregular patterns that we term "organic." Two
typical features of the ancient city are the wall and the citadel: the
wall
for defense in regions preiodically swept by conquering armies, and the
citadel - a large, elevated precinct within the city - devoted to
religious
and state functions.

The Romans engaged in extensive city-building activities as they
consolidated
their empire. Rome itself displayed the informal complexity created by
centuries of organic growth, although particluar temple and public
districts
were highly planned. In contrast, the Roman military and colonial towns
were laid out in a variation of the grid. Many European cities, including
London and Paris, sprang from these Roman origins.

We usually associate medieval cities with narrow winding streets
converging
on a market square with a cathedral and a city hall. Many cities of this
period display this pattern, the product of thousands of incremental
additions to the urban fabric. However, new towns seeded throughout
undeveloped regions of Europe were based upon the familiar grid. In
either
case, large encircling walls were built for defense against marauding
armies; new walls enclosing more land were built as the city expanded and
outgrew its former container.

During the Renaissance, architects began to systematically study the
shaping of urban space, as though the city itself were a piece of
architecture which could be given an aesthetically pleasing and
functional
order. Many of the great public spaces of Rome and other Italian cities
date from this era. Parts of old cities were rebuilt to create elegant
squares, long street vistas, and symmetrical building arrangements.
Responding to advances in firearms during the fifteenth century, new city
walls were designed with large earthworks to deflect artillery, and star-
shaped
points to provide defenders with sweeping lines of fire. Spanish colonial
cities in the New World were built according to rules codified in the
Laws
of the Indies of 1573, specifying an orderly grid of streets with a
central
plaza, defensive wall, and uniform building style.

We associate the baroque city with the emergence of great nation-states
between 1600 and 1750. Ambitious monarchs constructed new palaces,
courts,
and bureaucratic offices. The grand scale was sought in urban public
spaces: long avenues, radial street networks, monumental squares,
geometric
parks and gardens. Versailles is a clear expression of this city-building
model; Washington, D.C. is an example from the United States. Baroque
principles of urban design were used by Baron Haussmann in his celebrated
restructuring of Paris between 1853 and 1870. Haussmann carved broad new
thoroughfares through the tangled web of old Parisian streets, linking
major subcenters of the city with one another in a pattern which has
served
as a model for many other modernization plans.

Toward the latter half of the eighteenth century, particularly in
America,
the city as a setting for commerce assumed primacy. The buildings of the
bourgeoisie expanded along with their owners' prosperity: banks, office
buildings, warehouses, hotels, and small factories. New towns founded
during this period were conceived as commercial enterprises, and the
neutral grid was the most effective means to divide land up into parcels
for sale. The city became a checkerboard on which players speculated on
shifting land values. No longer would religious, political, and cultural
imperatives shape urban development; rather, the market would be allowed
to
determine the pattern of urban growth. New York, Philadelphia, and Boston
around 1820 exemplify the commercial city of this era, with their
bustling,
mixed-use waterfront districts.

TRANSITION TO THE INDUSTRIAL CITY
Cities have changed more since the Industrial Revolution than in all the
previous centuries of their existence. New York had a population of about
313,000 in 1840 but had reached 4,767,000 in 1910. Chicago exploded from
4,000 to 2,185,000 in the same period. Millions of rural dwellers ni
longer
needed on farms flocked to the cities, where new factories churned out
products for new markets made accessible by railroads and steamships. In
the United States, millions of immigrants from Europe swelled the urban
populations. Increasingly, urban economies were being woven tightly into
the national and international economies.

Technological innovations poured fortrh, many with profound impacts on
urban form. Railroad tracks were driven into the heart of the city.
Internal rail transportation systems greatly expanded the radius of urban
settlement: horsecars beginning in the 1830s, cable cars in the 1870s,
and
electric trolleys in the 1880s. In the 1880s, the first central power
plants began providing electrical power to urban areas. The rapid
communication provided by the telegraph and telephone allowed formerly
concentrated urban activities to disperse across a wider field.

The industrial city still focused on the city center, which contained
both
the central business district, defined by large office buildings, and
substantial numbers of factory and warehouse structures. Both trolleys
and
railroad systems converged on the center of the city, which boasted the
premier entertainment and shopping establishments. The working class
lived
in crowded districts close to the city center, near their places of
employment.

Early American factories were located outside of major cities along
rivers
which provided water power for machinery. After steam power became widely
available in the 1830s, factories could be located within the city in
proximity to port facilities, rail lines, and the urban labor force.
Large
manufacturing zones emerged within the major northeastern and midwestern
cities such as Pittsburgh, Detroit, and Cleveland. But by the late
nineteenth century, factory decentralization had already begun, as
manufacturers sought larger parcels of land away from the congestion of
the
city. Gary, Indiana, for example, was founded in 1906 on the southern
shore
of Lake Michigan by the United States Steel Company.

The increeasing crowding, pollution, and disease in the central city
produced a growing desire to escape to a healthier environment in the
suburbs. The upper classes had always been able to retreat to homes in
the
countryside. Beginning in the 1830s, commuter railroadsenabled the middle
class to commmute in to the city center. Horsecar lines were built in
many
cities between the 1830s and 1880s, allowing the middle class to move out
from the central cities into more spacious suburbs. Finally, during the
1890s electric trollrys and elevated rapid transit lines proliferated,
providing cheap urban transportation for the majority of the population.

The central business district o fthe city underwent a radical
transformation
with the development of the skyscraper between 1870 and 1900. These tall
buildings were not technically feasible until the invention of the
elevator
and steel-frame construction methods. Skyscrapers reflect the dynamics of
the real estate market; the tall building extracts the maximum economic
value
from a parcel of land. These office buildings housed the growing numbers
of
white-collar employees in banking, finance, management, and business
services,
all manifestations of the shift from an economy of small firms to one of
large
corporations.

THE FORM OF THE MODERN CITY OIN THE AGE OF THE AUTOMOBILE
The city of today may be divided into two parts:(1) an inner zone,
coextensive with the boundaries of the old industrial city, and
(2)suburban
areas, dating from the 1920s, which have been designed for the sutomobile
from the beginning.

The central business districts of American cities have become centers of
information processing, finance, and administration rather than
manufacturing.
White-collar amployees in these economic sectors commute in from the
suburbs on a network of urban freeways built during the 1950s and 60s;
this
"hub-and-wheel" freeway pattern can be observed on many city maps. New
bridges have spanned rivers and bays, as in New York and San Fransisco,
linking together formerly separate cities into vast urbanized regions.

Waves of demolition and rebuilding have produced "Manhattanized"
downtowns across the land. During the 1950s and 60s, urban renewal
programs cleared away large areas of the old city, releasing the land for
new office buildings, convention centers, hotels, and sports complexes.
Building surges have converted the downtowns of American cities into
forests of tall office buildings. More recently, office functions not
requiring a downtown location have been moved to huge office parks in the
suburbs.

Surrounding the central business area lies a large band of old mixed-use
and residential buildings which house the urban poor. High crime, low
income, deteriorating services, inadequate housing, and intractable
social
problems plague these neglected areas of urban America. The manufacturing
jobs formerly available to inner city residents are no longer there, and
resources have not been committed to replace them.

These inner city areas have been left behind by a massive migration to
the
suburbs, which began in the late nineteenth century but accelerated in
the
1920s with the spread of the automobile. Freeway building after World War
II opened up even larger areas of suburban land, which were quickly
filled
by people fleeing central city decline. Today, more people live in
suburbs
than in cities proper. Manufacturers have also moved their production
facilities to suburban locations which have freeway and rail
accessibility.

Indeed, we have reached a new stage of urbanizatin beyond the metropolis.
Most major cities are no longer focused exclusively on the traditional
downtown. New subcenters have arisen round the periphery, and these
subcenters supply most of the daily needs of their adjacent populations.
The old metropolis has become a multi-centered urban region. In turn,
many
of these urban regiosn have expanded to the point where they have
coalesced
into vast belts of urbanization - what the geographer Jean Gottman termed
"megalopolis." The prime example is the eastern seaboard of the United
States
from Boston to Washington. The planner C.A. Doxiadis has speculated that
similar vast corridors of urbanization will appear throughout the world
during
the next century. Thus far, American planners have not had much success
in
imposing a rational form on this process. However, New Town and greenbelt
programs in Britain and the Scandinavian countries have, to some extent,
prevented formless sprawl from engulfing the countryside.

THE ECONOMICS OF URBAMN AREAS
Since the 1950s, city planners have increasingly paid attention to the
economics of urban areas. When many American cities experienced fiscal
crises during the 1970s, urban financial management assumed even greater
importance. Today, planners routinely assess the economic consequences of
all major changes in the form of the city.

Several basic concepts underlie urban and regional economic analysis.
First, cities cannot grow if their residents simply provide services for
one another. The city must create products which can be sold to an
external
purchaser, bringing in money which can be reinvested in new production
facilities and raw materials. This "economic base" of production for
external markets is crucial. Without it, the economic engine of the city
grinds to a halt.

Once the economic base is established, an elaborate internal market can
evolve. This market includes the production of goods and sevrices for
businesses and residents within the city. Obviously, a large part of the
city's physical plant is devoted to facilities for these internal
transactions: retail stores of all kinds, restaurants, local professional
services, and so on.

Modern cities are increasingly engaged in a competition for economic
resources such as industrial plants, corporate headquarters, high-
technology
firms, and government facilities. Cities try to lure investment with an
array of features: low tax rates, improved transportation and utility
infrastructure, cheap land, and a skilled labor force. Amenities such as
climate, proximity to recreation, parks, elegant architecture, and
cultural
sctivities influence the location decisions of businesses and
individuals.
Many older cities have had difficulty surviving in this new economic
game.
Abandoned by traditional industries, they are now trying to create a new
economic base involving growth sectors such as high technology.

Today, cities no longer compete in mere regional or national markets: the
market is an international one. Multinational firms close plants in
Chicago
or Detroit and build replacements in Asia or Latin America. Foreign
products dominate whole sectors of the American consumer goods market.
Huge
sums of money shift around the globe in instantaneous electronic
transactions. Cities must struggle for survival in a volatile environment
in which the rules are always changing. This makes city planning even
more
challenging than before.

MODERN CITY PLANNING
Modern city planning can be divided into two distinct but related types
of
planning. Visionary city planning proposes radical changes in the form of
the city, often in conjunction with sweeping changes in the social and
economic order. Institutionalized city planning is lodged withing the
existing structures of government, and modifies urban growth processes in
moderate, pragmatic ways. It is constrained by the prevailing alignment
of
political and economic forces within the city.

VISIONARY OR UTOPIAN CITY PLANNING
People have imagined ideal cities for millenia. Plato's Republic was an
ideal city, although lacking in the spatial detail of later schemes.
Renaissance architects designed numerous geometric cities, and ever since
architects have been the chief source of imaginative urban proposals. In
the twentieth century, Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd Wright, Paolo Soleri,
and
dozens of other architects have designed cities on paper. Although few
have
been realized in pure form, they have influenced the layout of many new
towns and urban redevelopment projects.

In his "Contemporary City for Three Million People" of 1922 and "Radiant
City" of 1935, Le Corbusier advocated a high-density urban alternative,
with skyscraper office buildings and midrise apartments placed within
park-like open spaces. Different land uses were located in separate
districts, forming a rigid geometrical pattern with a sophisticated
system
of superhighways and rail transit.

Frank Lloyd Wright envisioned a decentralized low-density city in keeping
with his distaste for large cities and belief in frontier individualism.
The Broadacre City plan of 1935 is a large grid of arterials spread
across
the counrtyside, with most of the internal space devoted to single-family
homes on large lots. Areas are also carefully set aside for small farms,
light industry, orchards, recreation areas, and other urbanfacilities. A
network of superhighways knits the region together, so spatially
dispersed
facilities are actually very close in terms of travel time. In many ways,
Wright's Broadacre City resembles American suburban and exurban
developments of the post-WWII period.

Many other utopian plans could be catalogued, but the point is that
planners and architects have generated a complex array of urban patterns
from which to draw ideas and inspiration. Most city planners, however, do
not work on a blank canvas; they can only make incremental changes to an
urban scene already shaped by a complicated historical process.

INSTITUTIONALIZED CITY PLANNING
The form of the city is determined primarily by thousands of private
decisions to construct buildings, within a framework of public
infrastructure and regulations administered by city, state, and federal
governments. City planning actions can have enormous impact on land
values.
From the point of view of land economics, the city is an enormous playing
field on which thousands of competitors struggle to capture value by
constructing or trading land or buildings. The goal of city planning is
to
intervene in this game in oeder to protect widely shared public values
such
as health, safety, environmental quality, social equity, and aesthetics.

The roots of American city planning lie in an array of reform efforts of
the late nineteenth century: the Parks movement, the City Beautiful
movement, campaigns for housing regulations, the Progressive movement for
government reform, and efforts to improve public health through the
provision of sanitary sewers and clean water supplies. The First National
Conference on City Planning occurred in 1909, the same year as Daniel
Burnham's famous Plan of Chicago. That date may be used to mark the
inauguration of the new profession. The early city planners actually came
from diverse backgrounds such as landscape architecture, architecture,
engineering, and law, but they shared a common desire to produce a more
orderly urban pattern.

The zoning of land bacame, and still is, the most potent instrument
available to American city planners for controlling urban development.
Zoning is basically the dividing of the city into discrete areas within
which only certain land uses and types of buildings can be constructed.
The
rationale is that certain activities or building types don't work well;
factories and homes, for example. Illogical mixtures create nuisances for
the parties involved and lower land values. After several decades of
gradual development, land-use zoning received legal approval from the
Supreme Court in 1926.

Zoning isn't the same as planning: it is a legal tool for the
implementation
of plans. Zoning should be closely inntegrated with a Master Plan or
Comprehensive Plan which spells out a logical path for the city's future
in
areas such as land use, transportation, parks and recreation,
environmental
quality, and public works construction. In the early days of zoning this
was often neglected, but this lack of coordination between zoning and
planning is less common now.

Two other important elements of existing city planning are subdivision
regulations and environmental regulations. Subdivision regulations
require
that land being subdivided for development be provided with adequate
streets, sewers, water, schools, utilities, and various design features.
The goal is to prevent shabby, deficient developments which produce
headaches for both their residents and the city. Since the late 1960s,
environmental regulations have exerted a stronger influence on patterns
of
urban growth by restricting development in floodplains, on unstable
slopes,
on earthquake faults, or near sensitive natural areas. Businesses have
been
forced to reduce smoke emissions and the disposal of wastes have been
more
closely monitored. Overall, the pace of environmental degradation has
been
slowed, but certainly not stopped, and a dismaying backlog of
environmental
hazards remains to be cleaned up. City planners have plenty of work to do
as we move into the twenty-first century.

CONCLUSION: GOOD CITY FORM
What is the good city? We are unlikely to arrive at an unequivocal
answer;
the diversity of human needs and tastes frustrates all attempts to
provide
recipes or instruction manuals for the building of cities. However, we
can
identify the crucial dimensions of city performance, and specify the many
ways in which cities can achieve success along with these dimensions.

A most useful guide is Kevin Lynch's A THEORY OF GOOD CITY FORM
(Cambridge,
Mass. MIT Press, 1981). Lynch offers five basic dimensions of city
performance: vitality, sense, fit, access, and control. To these he adds
two "meta-criteria," efficiency and justice.

For Lynch, a vital city successfully fills the biological needs of its
inhabitants, and provides a safe environment for their activities. A
sensible city is organized so that its residents can perceive and
understand the city's form and function. A city with good fit provides
the
buildings, spaces, and networks required for its residents to pursue
their
projects successfully. An accessible city allows people of all ages and
backgrounds to gain the activities, resources, services, and information
that they need. A city with good control is arranged so that its citizens
can have a say in the management of the spaces in which they work and
trade.

Finally, an efficient city achieves the goals listed above at the least
cost, and balances the achievement of the goals with one another. They
cannot all be maximized at the same time. And a just city distributes
benefits among its citizens according to some fair standard. Clearly,
these
two meta-criteria raise difficult issues which will continue to spark
debates for the forseeable future.

These criteria tell aspiring city builders where to aim, while
acknowledging the diverse ways of achieving good city form. Cities are
endlessly fascinating because each is unique, the product of decades,
centuries, or even millennia or historical evolution. As we walk through
city streets, we walk through time, encountering the city-building legacy
of past generations. Paris, Venice, Rome, New York, Chicago, San
Francisco--each has its glories and its failures. In theory, we should be
able to learn the lessons of history and build cities that our
descendants
will admire and wish to preserve. That remains a constant challenge for
all
who undertake the task of city planning.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Boyer, R. and D. Savageau. Places Rated Almanac. Chicago: Rand McNally &
Co., 1986.

Choay, Francoise. The Modern City: planning in the 19th century. New
York:
George Braziller, 1969.

Clark, David. Urban Geography. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1982.

Clay, Grady. Close-Up, how to read the american city. Chicago: The
UNiversity of Chicago Press, 1986.

Gallion, A. and S. Eisner. The Urban Pattern. New York: Van Nostrand
Reinhold Company, 1986.

Greenburg, M., D. Kueckeberg, and C. Michaelson. Local Population and
Employment Projection Techniques. New Brunswick: Center for Urban Policy
Researcxh, 1987.

Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York:
Vintage Books, 1961.

Kueckeberg, Donald. Urban Planning Analysis; methods and models. New
York:
John Wiley & Sons, 1974.

Callenbach, Ernest. Ecotopia. Berkeley:Banyan Tree Books, 1975.

Hoskin, Frank P. The Language of Cities. Cambridge: Schenkman Publishing
Company, Inc., 1972.

Le Corbusier. The City of Tomorrow and Its Planning. New York: Dover
Publications, Inc, 1987.

Planning (The magazine of the American Planning Association)
1313 60th St., Chicago IL 60637

RELATED READING FOR CHILDREN

FICTION
Burton, Virginia Lee. The Little House. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1942
(reissued 1969).

Murphy, Shirley, and Murphy, Pat. Mrs. Torrino's Return to the Sun.
Shepard
Books, 1980.

Dr. Seuss. The Lorax. New York: Random House, 1971.

NONFICTION
Macaulay, David. City: A Story of Roman Planning and Construction.
Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1974.

Macaulay, David. Underground. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1976.

Barker, Albert. From Settlement to City. New York: Julian Messner, 1978.

Eichner, James A. The First Book of Lacal Government. New York: Franklin
Watts, 1976.

Rhodes, Dorothy. How to Read a City Map. Chicago: Elk Grove Press, 1967.

Monroe, Roxie. Architects Make Zigzags: Looking at Architecture from A to
Z.
Washington D.C.: National Trust for Historic Preservation, 1986.

For more information on city planning and related subjects, contact:

American Planning Association
Planners Bookstore 1313 E. 60th St.
Chicago IL 60637
[phone]

End.